This book was released on 25 February with total page pages. Book excerpt: Spain since is an ideal introduction to the history of Spain. The chapters are arranged chronologically and each begins with an overview of major events and movements in Europe as a whole. Emphasis is placed on understanding major developments, their causes, and the relationships between them. Spanish terms associated with key concepts and figures are introduced and explained throughout the text.
Extracts from key Spanish texts, in Spanish and in translation, enable students to see, first hand, the mood of the time. Spain Since by Christopher J. Spain since is an ideal introduction to the history of Spain. The chapters are arranged chronologically and each begins with an overview of major events and movements in Europe as a whole.
Emphasis is placed on understanding major developments, their causes, and the relationships between them. Spanish terms associated with key concepts and figures are introduced and e Spain since is an ideal introduction to the history of Spain. Spanish terms associated with key concepts and figures are introduced and explained throughout the text.
Extracts from key Spanish texts, in Spanish and in translation, enable students to see, first hand, the mood of the time. Chapters end with topics for discussion to encourage critical thinking.
This new edition has been revised and updated to take account of events since the Socialists' return to power in It looks at the new government's social reforms, its attempts to end ETA's violence and its response to Catalan demands for further autonomy.
Also considered are changes in the country's political climate and external relationships, as well as the crisis facing Spain's economy. Written in an accessible style and assuming no prior knowledge, the books in this series address the specific needs of students on language courses, as well as anyone with an interest in modern history.
Approaching the study of history via contemporary politics and society, each book offers a clear historical narrative and sets the country or region concerned in the context of the wider world. Get A Copy. Paperback , pages. Published June 1st by Routledge first published More Details Other Editions 8. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about Spain Since , please sign up.
Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Add this book to your favorite list ». Community Reviews. By these included employers resentful at the extension of labour regulation p51 and much of the middle class, concerned that even limited land reform pp52—3 might herald a threat to their own property. By no means all were particularly conservative; many were convinced Republicans, and suspicious of the Church.
Their unease, along with the antagonism evoked in Castile by Catalan devolution, was picked up by the sensitive antennae of Lerroux, who swiftly positioned his Radicals to exploit it by ratting on his government colleagues p For the election the Radicals and CEDA formed an alliance, which also included smaller right-wing groups, notably the Agrarians, who enjoyed strong support among the smallholders of Old Castile.
With the help of the electoral system p53 the allies won a solid parliamentary majority. In Catalonia, too, the Right was driven onto the defensive. There, the old Regionalist League p22 had recovered some of its former strength in , but at the subsequent regional election it was again crushed by the more radical ERC p52 , this time for good. However, its implications for property rights in general alarmed both the Catalan bourgeoisie and the Madrid government, which referred the Act to the Constitutional Court.
It was a fateful decision, being used by the Left to justify an attempted revolution p Already Lerroux had set a bad example. In Second Republic and the some — public works, the status of leaseholdrestoration of Alfonso XIII ers, provision of low-cost rented housing — alfonsistas. But it was above Calvo Sotelo. Like his contacts with seditious generals, they made the undemocratic nature of his intentions plain to all, supporters and opponents.
The four-year moratorium imposed by the Constitution on amendments to its text would soon be up, and he could move to repeal Article But his moment never came. Instead, he called an election for February Although the Right obtained more votes in total than it had done in , its parliamentary strength was decimated, since the enmity between Gil-Robles and Calvo Sotelo prevented the close cooperation between their parties that the electoral system made essential p The process of radicalisation was accelerated by the election of a right-wing government and culminated in an attempted revolution.
In the changing pattern of relations within the Left the Socialists played a crucial role. The main channel for such contacts was the Basque Socialist leader Indalecio Prieto, one of those who attended the signing of the San Sebastian Pact p Prieto argued that the Republic would bring in the modernising reforms the PSOE had always seen as the prerequisite for a revolution p Yet his real reason for cooperating with it was pragmatic: that the alternative was much worse.
Its attitude was dictated by the traditional anarchist view that all governments, dictatorial or democratic, were equally bad. But they and their supporters treintistas overwhelmingly lost the internal debate and were subsequenrly expelled from the CNT. For the next two years, anarchism was in thrall to its terrorist tradition, represented by the Iberian Anarchist Federation p Andalusia was another hotbed, with the tragic incident at Casas Viejas p33 merely the worst of many.
In theory, the right-wing government their abstention helped to elect was meant to provoke a spontaneous revolution. When it occurred p55 , he was forced to back his words with deeds.
The regional premier, Lluis Companys, reluctantly declared Catalonia a free Republic within federal Spain, but few workers rallied to his support and, even worse, the Catalan police controlled by his own party helped to crush those who did. Even when the government sent in hardened units of the Moroccan army, the miners put up determined resistance which ended only after several thousand had been killed or wounded.
Their heroics gave the Left a powerful symbol. On that platform the Front won a narrow lead in votes, which was converted by the electoral system p53 into a large parliamentary majority. Although the Front as a whole was broader than the alliance that had formed the Provisional Government p50 , its Republican component was markedly depleted.
Its real strength lay in the working-class support that the CNT had, unprecedentedly, helped to mobilise by calling on its supporters to vote. It was therefore disastrous that Popular Front pressure from Largo Caballero prevented his party from entering the new government. It was sented their popular support. Once the example of its right-wing predecessors. Day-to-day government was left in the charge of Santiago Casares Quiroga p50 , who was quite inadequate for the task.
By this time, in any case, the government was no longer in control of events. Admittedly Catalan autonomy was restored p56 and work began on similar devolution for Basques and also Galicians; even land reform p53 was restarted and pursued with some vigour. The Socialists made little attempt to disabuse them. In the cities, too, politics was becoming a spiral of street violence between organised gangs, including those of the openly fascist Falange p Their appearance indicated how the division into two camps apparent in had been widened and polarised.
On the Left this could be seen in the growing strength of the Communists, to whom the Socialist youth organisation defected en bloc. On 13 July they were pre-empted when Calvo Sotelo was murdered by Assault Guards avenging a colleague killed by the Falange.
It was the spark that set the country alight. However, both groups were alienated by the failure of land reform and split with their Republican allies. A troubled democracy — 61 Exhibit 4. La CEDA [ Demands of a religious nature must, and always will, take pride of place in its programme, in its communication with the voters and in its actions. The CEDA opposes, with its utmost strength, the separation of Church and State, and those exceptional and discriminatory measures of which the Catholic Church in Spain has been the victim.
The CEDA […] will, at all times, obey whatever instructions may be issued by the Church authorities with regard to the relationship between politics and religion in Spain. Strengthening of the executive branch of government, as far as is necessary to ensure that it can effectively discharge the functions that correspond to it within the basic structure of the State.
Estamos dispuestos, antes de ser vencidos, a vender cara nuestra existencia. Por cada uno de los nuestros que caiga por la metralla de los aviones, haremos justicia con los centenares de rehenes que tenemos prisioneros. Thus in the rest of the country reports are circulating that here in Asturias the uprising has been suppressed, while at the same time the counter-revolutionary government announces to the workers of our region that elsewhere in Spain all is quiet and invites us to hand ourselves over to our executioners.
Today, though, we can report to you that the airbase at Leon has fallen to the revolutionary workers of that region, who are preparing to send forces to assist us.
Against the unbreakable will of the Asturian working class the forces of Fascism are powerless. Rather than be defeated we are ready to sell our lives dearly. To the enemy we will leave only a heap of ruins. For each of us who falls, cut down by the machine guns of their planes, we will exact justice on the hundreds of hostages we hold captive. Let our enemies beware. Comrades: one last effort for the triumph of the revolution!
Source: Ruiz, D. Madrid: Siglo XXI. Does its view have any precedents in modern Spanish history? Do its views in this respect presage any future developments? This page intentionally left blank C H A P T E R n the late s European affairs were dominated by the rise of the extreme Right, whose grip on several countries, including Portugal, tightened. In that regard, too, France offered his best hope. But the French were held back from a Soviet alliance by pressure from their own Right and from the other western power, Britain, whose rulers regarded communism as a greater threat than fascism.
Its terms convinced Stalin of the futility of seeking security in the West; instead he began to think in terms of accommodation with Germany. I 5 An unequal struggle — In July Spain was shaken yet again by a military revolt. Foreign intervention from various sources also played a key role. It also contributed to their grinding progress to victory, which went hand-inhand with the rise to supreme power of General Franco.
The Nationalist rebels The rebellion was the result of planning by both soldiers and civilians. But circumstances dictated that it was essentially another old-style military declaration, with no clear leader. Like most of its forerunners the coup failed, but the rebels were rescued by a new factor in such situations: outside intervention.
Thanks to this help the Nationalists, as they had become known, were soon in control of a large part of Spain, in which they established what amounted to a separate state. In the party was forcibly amalgamated with the Falange to form the Francoist single party p Also involved in the plot were the Traditionalists, the heirs of the old Carlists p2.
But at the February election it had failed to win a single seat and, despite having grown since, its popular backing remained tiny. In it was forcibly amalgamated with the Traditionalists to form the Francoist single party p74 , also known colloquially as the Falange. See also: familias p84 ; Movimiento Nacional p90 An unequal struggle — 67 brand of fascism was intended to appeal.
Given the weakness and diversity of these civilian elements, the uprising became in essence a matter for disgruntled generals, among whom each party had its sympathisers, even the Falange.
One was the collapse of law and order, for which they held it responsible. But, even before his death in an air crash on 20 July , age meant that his authority was far from uncontested. Thereafter a number of generals harboured ambitions to replace him, the most obvious candidates being Emilio Mola, who had been responsible for organising the uprising inside Spain, and Francisco Franco, whose task was to assume command in Morocco p39 , where he had served with great distinction.
The issue was a touchy one and, given that all the generals expected a quick victory, they tacitly agreed to shelve any decision until it had been achieved.
Their expectations were shattered as soon as the revolt got under way, prematurely, on 17 July in Morocco, and one day later, as planned, elsewhere. In other regions its success was limited to a few larger cities where individual commanders acted decisively and rode their luck, most spectacularly General Queipo de Llano in Seville. Elsewhere, and crucially in Madrid and Barcelona, the revolt was crushed p Even within the armed forces support was patchy.
Within the Army itself reactions were mixed, though most of the lower ranks — mainly conscripts drawn from the social groups most solidly behind the Popular Front government — were hostile. In Morocco, the elite troops of the Army of Africa rebelled and quickly established control.
At this point the problems of coordinating action on several fronts spurred the Nationalist generals into establishing a single command structure. They were claiming, above all to foreign observers, that the territory they had overrun had the same status as the legitimate Spanish state, whose resistance had turned out to be stronger than expected. During the Civil War victory p59 , as was evident in their reacthey fought on both sides, but for tions to the coup.
Casares Quiroga, the weak the Republicans the term acquired and ailing Prime Minister, simply resigned. The third was a massive display of opposition to the coup from ordinary Spaniards, especially urban workers, who took to the streets and demanded that the government give them arms to defend it. This Giral eventually agreed to do. This was largely the work of so-called mavericks incontrolados acting on their own initiative and soon died down. At the same time, widespread and often successful attempts were made at collectivisation of economic activity.
That view, the Communist Party p A p36 , the PCE was banned under month later the CNT and, astonishingly, the the Primo dictatorship and Iberian Anarchist Federation p40 , abjured achieved little success during the their principles and also accepted cabinet Second Republic.
Republican side, but the tactics it used to do so alienated many of Since then, however, two factors had those who belonged to other greatly increased their importance. One was parties on the Left.
From the autumn of it action had brought. The PCE is Brigades. See also: Comisiones Obreras authorities and the source of this precious p ; consenso p support was the PCE. Suddenly, the Communists became fervent opponents of revolutionary activity that might alienate middle-class backing.
As the only force on the government side solidly behind such moderation, they attracted support from those whose enthusiasm for the Republic did not extend to wanting their own property to be collectivised. Law and order were imposed, where necessary by force. The revolutionary committees were disbanded, agricultural collectives suppressed, and industry made increasingly subject to central planning and control.
Resentment at these steps was widespread, above all in Barcelona, where the revolutionaries were especially strong. Conscious that it could not defy them, the regional government had agreed to run the city in tandem with an Anti-Fascist Militia Committee. Its action was resisted by the POUM, a communist splinter group with anarcho-syndicalist leanings, and by grassroots anarchists.
Under his leadership, resistance continued for another two years, despite the loss of the vital northern industrial areas over the summer of However, it could not reverse the general pattern of defeats, in which the collapse of Republican unity played a key part.
While the Barcelona clashes were not the start of that process, they did accelerate it markedly. That same step also added to growing suspicion of the party that, along with Prieto, had engineered it; the PCE. As with the resort to terror tactics, the move was ultimately self-defeating.
The chief charge against Prieto was defeatism; like PSOE leader Besteiro p57 , he had questioned the point of continuing with increasingly hopeless resistance. By then, however, the Munich agreement had dashed hopes of an anti-fascist alliance, and also hastened the ending of Soviet support.
Now the Republic really was lost. Its end came tragically with another, pathetic Army uprising. The rather fortunate capture of Seville p67 was also vital, as it gave the rebels control of the poor southern areas where the Left had solid support and collectivisation p69 might have been received as a boon rather than a threat p Once Hitler and Mussolini had thrown their support behind the insurgency p67 they were determined to avoid the propaganda setback its defeat would have meant.
Indeed, common interest in a Nationalist victory helped prompt their formal alliance of November In quantitative terms, the greater contribution came from Italy.
Now they pro- An unequal struggle — 73 vided further supplies and back-up to the Nationalists, while denying vital spare parts Non-Intervention Pact to the Republicans. Mussolini also committed substantial numbers of ground troops, Signed in by Britain, France, including armoured units, although they Germany and Italy, the Pact was an agreement to refrain from turned out to be of limited value; while they intervening in the Civil War.
Its led the capture of Malaga, they failed badly legal basis was questionable — it at Guadalajara p It was respected by the Aid from the Axis powers was undoubttwo Western Powers, thus denying edly crucial in establishing Nationalist milithe Republic French aid and tary superiority, above all in the air. Above all, the nature of their uprising and the support it had received meant that there was minimal resistance to the imposition of standard military practices in training and action; the Traditionalist and Falange miliGuernica Basque: tias p66 were integrated into a single Gernika Nationalist Army without any of the problems experienced on the other side.
From an early stage these Basques. In , during the tactics were associated particularly with Nationalist northern offensive, it Franco. One of the most notorious mass exewas the target of a bombing raid cutions occurred at Badajoz during his initial by the German Condor Legion march on Madrid.
The Basque Statute of routinely used against known or suspected Autonomy was signed there in government supporters.
As a result, there p Several times, too, Franco chose tactical options that almost certainly prolonged it. But such moves were not unintended errors. They were part of a deliberate strategy of attrition desgaste , designed — like the use of terror — quite literally to eliminate his opponents.
All other political organisations were outlawed forthwith. The clumsy title given to the merged party p90 betrayed the fundamental incompatibility between Traditionalism and the modernising, socially minded ideas of the Falange. But such methods soon became unnecessary. The new Falange was to some extent modelled on the parties created by Mussolini and Hitler, and performed some of the same functions.
With its members spread throughout society in the Nationalist zone, it enabled the authorities there to exercise close control over the population.
It was also used to promote, through relentless propaganda, a fascist-style leadership cult. Yet the Falange never exercised the control over other institutions, notably the Army, typical of true fascist An unequal struggle — 75 parties.
To that end he quickly set about re-establishing its social role, especially by handing it control over education. In return, the Church threw its moral authority enthusiastically behind him and the cult of his leadership. Spanish bishops gave their blessing to the elaborate and deliberately old-fashioned ceremonies which became a feature of public life in the Nationalist zone, and which appeared to give Franco a status close to sainthood.
The idea was a powerful one in the context of civil war, submerging divided loyalties under the powerful appeal of patriotism. His view of them was encapsulated in an extraordinary measure he decreed as the war drew to a close. It set the tone for the much of what was to follow. Even in the armed forces support for it was far from universal. Subsequently, the task of defending the Republic fell mainly to the parties and unions of the Left.
Some, especially grassroots anarchists, saw it as the opportunity for a social revolution; others, including the Socialist Prieto and his supporters, as a struggle for survival. Exhibit 5. An unequal struggle — 77 [. I ]f we want to win the war, it will take more than our improvised Militias, or the heroism that our troops have displayed in so many battles.
But now we are facing not just Moroccans, foreign legionaries, Carlists and Falangists, but a well-organised army of German, Italian and Portuguese troops. And to defeat such an army our Militias are not enough. Madrid: Tebas. For the vast majority of the Spanish nation feels no sympathy with a system of government that was incapable of embodying its fundamental needs and aspirations, and the movement was accepted as bringing hope to the nation as a whole; in those regions which have not yet been freed it will very soon break the hold of the communist forces of oppression.
The movement is national, too, in its aim, in that it wishes to save, and to preserve for the future, the essence of a people, under a form of state capable of maintaining with dignity its historical traditions. Source: Aguirre Prado, L. Exhibits 2. Would they have been better off without Soviet aid? Initially, its course favoured the fascist Axis powers, Germany and Italy.
Thereafter the Allies slowly but surely turned the tables, achieving complete victory in Almost immediately the Soviets imposed Communist rule in Eastern Europe and by the Cold War between the two superpowers had begun, giving rise to new security fears in western Europe. Economically, though, the region had begun a remarkable recovery, greatly helped by US aid under the Marshall Plan. Indeed, it now formed part of an American-dominated western economy.
Along with the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation later to become the OECD , and the links that culminated in the formation of the European Economic Community in , these bodies provided a framework for steady growth throughout the bulk of western Europe. Nevertheless, one thing remained constant throughout both decades: the regime sought its inspiration in the past, be it the Civil War period or an earlier one.
Only when it was relaxed was Franco able to fully entrench his rule. But, at the same time, he was brought up against the harsh realities of modern international relations, especially the economic ones.
By the late s it had brought the regime to the verge of collapse. The wartime character of the new regime was evident from the very top down. The unity of command established in p68 was retained, with Franco acting as Head of State, Head of Government and — last but far from least — Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. Rather it provided an opportunity to strike at those of them who previously had been beyond his reach, in the government zone. Initially, his revenge took the form of savage violence; tens of thousands of Republican sympathisers were shot, and many more sentenced to prison terms, often lengthy.
Conversely, industrial workers saw their trade unions banned along with other basic freedoms, including those of association and expression, and their wages held down. Devolution was revoked and stern measures taken to stamp out notions of local or regional distinctiveness. Even then, the Civil War was the ultimate yardstick. Its main features retain theirs.
Yet the name was easily understood in terms of the world situation. For its overtones were clearly fascist and so in tune with what, up to , seemed likely to be a new European order.
Within the larger single party — also called the Falange, for short p74 — into which Franco had merged it, the party had been bent to his will during the war. Thus the Falange emblem, consisting of an arrow and bundle of rods, or fasces, was displayed at the entrance to every town and village.
In practice, nists, freemasons — and Jews. The Falange they acted as a means of was also in charge of the strict censorship government control over workers, to which all other media organs were subalthough from the s on they jected. Established by the Labour Charter Fuero del Trabajo , these were the only form of industrial organisation allowed by law, since all independent action by workers in common, including collective bargaining, was banned.
As well as their control function, the unions also provided a degree of job security through the system of Labour Tribunals Magistraturas de Trabajo they ran, which were in some ways reminiscent of arrangements under the Primo regime and the Republic pp40, They were also behind the introduction of a mild form of social insurance.
Initially, too, it had the attraction of being associated with Nazi Germany. It corresponded to his delusion that Spain was well-endowed with resources, and hence naturally rich. Movement of persons both in and out of the country was strictly controlled.
Production failed to reach pre-war levels, themselves low by European standards. A thriving black market estraperlo brought quick riches to a few while millions scraped a bare existence. Conditions in the cities were so hard that Spain experienced a phenomenon unparalleled in modern Europe: a return to the land. The need for such charity laid bare the abject failure of autarky. Back to the future — 83 Its origin was equally revealing, however.
Most of the world seemed happy to see his regime starved into submission p Politics without parties As soon as it became clear that the western democracies were going to prevail in the World War, Franco began to downplay the fascist side of his regime. At the same time, he started to introduce elements of what he called democracy. It was a cosmetic exercise. Franco distanced himself from fascism in a variety of ways after , and more rapidly after Its social measures, too, were watered down.
Thus most of the new Parliasociety. Up to half of the representatives but not political parties. The notion procuradores were government-employed bore some resemblance to the civil servants. In any case, they were given ideas of the Austrian Right in the only advisory powers. The name was deliberately misleading. The Charter did nothing to prevent continuing discrimination against, and repression of former Republican supporters p Never formally organised, these interests nonetheless formed loose groupings that, at familias least initially, corresponded to the various clans elements that had supported the rising.
In clan politics they took the initiative only in order to block the proposals of others. Back to the future — 85 Despite its downgrading by Franco, the Falange remained a player in the game. Its supporters also kept a strong presence in the media. Some of these monarchists were Traditionalists p66 but most backed the claim of ex-King Alfonso. However, Don Juan — as the Prince became known — had his own mildly liberal agenda.
He was also aware of his potential symbolic value to the dictator, both domestically and internationally, and his advisers had already had talks with exiled Republicans p Moreover, it empowered him to nominate who should then ascend the throne, subordinating the principle of heredity to the authority of Franco. Moreover, governments continued to contain a good proportion of ministers who sympathised with their ambitions.
But the monarchists had lost the chance to exert real leverage over Franco. Social mores were governed by strict traditional principles; divorce was again banned. In the interim, the new Concordat signed between Spain and the Vatican to replace that of p4 had given Franco considerable power over the nomination of Spanish bishops and implicitly guaranteed that his regime — and the dictator personally — would continue to be bathed in a benevolent aura of religiosity Figure 6.
Figure 6. While domestic opposition was negligible and the western Allies held back from intervention, the international isolation they imposed threatened the regime with collapse. Yet, slowly the economic situation improved and in the s isolation was eased by the new circumstances of the Cold War. But no support was forthcoming and it was defeated almost before it got under way. Thereafter internal opposition virtually disappeared, crushed by repression, propaganda and the parlous living conditions of most Spaniards p Occasional — illegal — strikes occurred, as in , but they were an expression of economic desperation, not political resistance.
When Don Juan reached an accommodation with Franco in p85 , the exiles were left in complete disarray. By then, too, it was clear that the victorious western powers had no intention of overthrowing Franco by force. However, they did seem prepared to impose their will on him by another means: isolation.
In the French closed the Pyrenean frontier. Later the same year Spain was refused admission to the newly formed United Nations on the grounds of its tacit support for Nazi Germany. Almost all countries then followed a UN injunction to withdraw their ambassadors from Madrid, the sole exceptions being Argentina, Portugal, Switzerland and the Vatican. Even these measures failed to shake Franco; indeed, in some ways they actually helped him.
That very real threat slowly receded, thanks to continuing Argentinean food aid p82 , until eventually, with the help of a bumper harvest in , it was dispelled altogether. These various pressures explain the yearning for international acceptance, towards which the Concordat with the Vatican pp86—7 was a small but important step. Later the same year came a much more crucial one, the background to which was the outbreak of the Cold War and the development of new weaponry.
Long-range strikes against the Soviet bloc were now technically possible, and Spain constituted an excellent potential base for them. The US was determined to secure it. Ignoring the continuing reservations of their European allies, the Americans began attempts to woo Franco. In Franco signed the series of accords known as the Defence Agreements. For some years bases on Spanish soil. After lengthy class.
Reversal of the drift Back to the future — 89 back to the land p82 revealed the grave lack of adequate urban housing; many poorer Spaniards were condemned to live in shanty-towns chabolismo which became a breeding-ground for discontent. Prices rose sharply, to the discomfort of workers whose wages continued to be controlled by law. That same year also saw the largest strike wave yet, but this time it did not elicit the usual response.
In some industries the government was persuaded to concede wage rises of up to 30 per cent. Yet it was precisely these capital goods that the country could not produce. The two international bodies agreed to provide further substantial loans, but only in return for changes in economic policy. Spain was required to abolish the system of multiple exchange rates it had used to restrict imports in contravention of international trade guidelines.
Franco had no option but to take a second gulp of nationalist pride and agree to devaluation of the peseta. His reaction to these developments came in in legislation ostensibly concerned with the single party, long a bulwark of his power pp81—2.
Even so, its function had changed considerably since the s, when repression and propaganda were primary tasks of his governments. Now their overriding concern was to run the apparatus of a modern state. It was assured representation in But it had. The partial integration into the government — its secretaryworld community that had helped the general was automatically a regime to consolidate also meant it was no minister — and in Parliament, of longer master of its own fate.
As a behest. In It preferred not to dwell on the other image evoked by the celebrated embrace with which Eisenhower greeted his fellow general; that of a bear-hug.
It discriminated harshly against groups and individuals who had supported the Republic, and was to a considerable degree run by the Army. The results were disastrous; in the s Spain even experienced serious food shortages. But moves to introduce aspects of democracy were a sham; basic freedoms continued to be curtailed and political parties remained banned. The most important of these so-called clans were the Army, the Falange, Monarchists, Traditionalists, and the Church with its related organisations.
Its position was further strengthened by the Concordat signed with the Vatican in La integridad de la Patria y su independencia son exigencias supremas de la comunidad nacional. III Spain, the root of a great family of peoples, to whom she feels bound in indissoluble brotherhood, aspires to the establishment of justice and peace between all nations. IV The unity which binds the land and men of Spain is inviolable. V The national community is founded on man as the bearer of eternal values, and on the family as the basis of social life; but individual and collective interests are always to be subordinated to the common good of the nation, which is made up of past, present and future generations of Spaniards.
The law shall protect the rights of all Spaniards equally. VI The natural entities of social life — the family, the municipality and the trade union — are the basic structures of the national community. VII The Spanish people, united under the rule of Law and informed by the notions of authority, freedom and service, make up the National State.
In accordance with the immutable principles of the National Movement, and the provisions of the Act of Succession and the other Basic Laws, its form shall be that of the traditional, Catholic, social and representative Monarchy. VIII The representative nature of the political order is the fundamental principle of our public institutions. Public participation in the legislative process and other tasks of general interest shall take place through the family, the municipality, the trade union, and such other bodies representing the basic organs of society as the law may recognize for that purpose.
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